X is (has become) ancient history

X отошёл в прошлое = X is (has become) a thing of the past

• ОТХОДИТЬ/ОТОЙТИ <УХОДИТЬ/УЙТИ, КАНУТЬ> В ПРОШЛОЕ

[VP; subj: abstr]

=====

⇒ no longer to exist or be current:

- X отошёл в прошлое≈ X is (has become) a thing of the past;

- X is all in the past;

- X is (has become) ancient history;

- X has passed into history;

- X has disappeared into the past.

     ♦ Теперь, после тридцать девятого [ года], деятельность этих людей уже, вроде бы, отошла в прошлое (Гинзбург 2). In the post-1939 period the activity of these people had, it seemed, become a thing of the past (2a).

     ♦ Больше пятнадцати лет она [Тваржинская] была объектом насмешек нашей институтской прогрессивной молодёжи. Но время это ушло в прошлое (Зиновьев 2). For more than fifteen years she [Tvarzhinskaya] was the butt of all the sarcasm of the progressive young people of our institute, but that is now all in the past (2a).

• ОТХОДИТЬ/ОТОЙТИ <УХОДИТЬ/УЙТИ, КАНУТЬ> В ПРОШЛОЕ

[VP; subj: abstr]

=====

⇒ no longer to exist or be current:

- X отошёл в прошлое≈ X is (has become) a thing of the past;

- X is all in the past;

- X is (has become) ancient history;

- X has passed into history;

- X has disappeared into the past.

     ♦ Теперь, после тридцать девятого [ года], деятельность этих людей уже, вроде бы, отошла в прошлое (Гинзбург 2). In the post-1939 period the activity of these people had, it seemed, become a thing of the past (2a).

     ♦ Больше пятнадцати лет она [Тваржинская] была объектом насмешек нашей институтской прогрессивной молодёжи. Но время это ушло в прошлое (Зиновьев 2). For more than fifteen years she [Tvarzhinskaya] was the butt of all the sarcasm of the progressive young people of our institute, but that is now all in the past (2a).

• ОТХОДИТЬ/ОТОЙТИ <УХОДИТЬ/УЙТИ, КАНУТЬ> В ПРОШЛОЕ

[VP; subj: abstr]

=====

⇒ no longer to exist or be current:

- X отошёл в прошлое≈ X is (has become) a thing of the past;

- X is all in the past;

- X is (has become) ancient history;

- X has passed into history;

- X has disappeared into the past.

     ♦ Теперь, после тридцать девятого [ года], деятельность этих людей уже, вроде бы, отошла в прошлое (Гинзбург 2). In the post-1939 period the activity of these people had, it seemed, become a thing of the past (2a).

     ♦ Больше пятнадцати лет она [Тваржинская] была объектом насмешек нашей институтской прогрессивной молодёжи. Но время это ушло в прошлое (Зиновьев 2). For more than fifteen years she [Tvarzhinskaya] was the butt of all the sarcasm of the progressive young people of our institute, but that is now all in the past (2a).

• ОТХОДИТЬ/ОТОЙТИ <УХОДИТЬ/УЙТИ, КАНУТЬ> В ПРОШЛОЕ

[VP; subj: abstr]

=====

⇒ no longer to exist or be current:

- X отошёл в прошлое≈ X is (has become) a thing of the past;

- X is all in the past;

- X is (has become) ancient history;

- X has passed into history;

- X has disappeared into the past.

     ♦ Теперь, после тридцать девятого [ года], деятельность этих людей уже, вроде бы, отошла в прошлое (Гинзбург 2). In the post-1939 period the activity of these people had, it seemed, become a thing of the past (2a).

     ♦ Больше пятнадцати лет она [Тваржинская] была объектом насмешек нашей институтской прогрессивной молодёжи. Но время это ушло в прошлое (Зиновьев 2). For more than fifteen years she [Tvarzhinskaya] was the butt of all the sarcasm of the progressive young people of our institute, but that is now all in the past (2a).

• ОТХОДИТЬ/ОТОЙТИ <УХОДИТЬ/УЙТИ, КАНУТЬ> В ПРОШЛОЕ

[VP; subj: abstr]

=====

⇒ no longer to exist or be current:

- X отошёл в прошлое≈ X is (has become) a thing of the past;

- X is all in the past;

- X is (has become) ancient history;

- X has passed into history;

- X has disappeared into the past.

     ♦ Теперь, после тридцать девятого [ года], деятельность этих людей уже, вроде бы, отошла в прошлое (Гинзбург 2). In the post-1939 period the activity of these people had, it seemed, become a thing of the past (2a).

     ♦ Больше пятнадцати лет она [Тваржинская] была объектом насмешек нашей институтской прогрессивной молодёжи. Но время это ушло в прошлое (Зиновьев 2). For more than fifteen years she [Tvarzhinskaya] was the butt of all the sarcasm of the progressive young people of our institute, but that is now all in the past (2a).

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

   The Portuguese breed of horse known as Lusitano has a history of at least a thousand years. Other noted Portuguese horse breeds are the Garrano and Sorraia, which evolved from ancient Iberian ponies and horses. Some authorities believe that the Lusitano breed evolved from the ancient Sorraia. The breed's name derives from Lusitania, the name the Romans gave to a portion of southwestern Iberia, a section of which became known in later centuries as Portugal. The breed's name also could be related to the name Luso, in ancient mythology a son of Bacchus, the god of wine and merriment. In recent decades, the Lusitano breed has become fashionable again in equestrian circles that participate in international riding competitions, as well as in producing mounts for the Portuguese bullfight. Despite a declining economy, less public interest and higher expenses in the bull- fighting industry, more opposition from animal rights advocates, and the constraints of European Union regulations, the bull-fight has endured as a sport. Breeding such horses has become a growing business not only for competitive riding, especially dressage, and an increasingly popular equestrian tourism, but also for bull-fighting. Lusitano breeding farms are located mainly in two provinces in Ribatejo, part of the Tagus River valley, and in Alentejo.

    See also Equestrianism.

   Equestrianism or Equitation has an ancient tradition in Portugal. Although today this sport of horseback riding, which is related to the art and science of horse breeding, is a peaceful activity, for centuries Portugal's use of the horse in cavalry was closely associated with war. Beginning in the 18th century, the activity became connected to bull- fighting. In war, the Portuguese used horse cavalry longer than most other European nations. While most armies gave up the horse for mechanized cavalry or tanks after World War I, Portugal was reluctant to change this tradition. Oddly, Portugal used a specialized form of cavalry in combat as late as 1969-1971, in Angola, a colony of Portugal until 1975. Portugal's army in Angola, engaged in a war with Angolan nationalist forces, employed the so-called "Dragoons," a specialized cavalry in rural areas, until 1971, a case perhaps of the last use of cavalry in modern warfare.

   Soccer, or futebol, is Portugal's favorite mass sport today, but equestrianism retains a special place in sports as a now democratized, if somewhat elite, sport for both Portuguese and visiting foreign riders. As of 1900, equestrianism was still the sport of royalty and aristocracy, but in the 21st century persons from all classes and groups enjoy it. The sport now features the unique Lusitano breed of horse, which evolved from earlier breeds of Iberian ponies and horses. Touring equestrianism recently has become an activity of niche tourism, and it is complemented by international competitive riding. Following the early 20th century, when the Olympics were revived, Portuguese competitors have excelled not only in sailing, field hockey on roller-skates, rowing, and marksmanship, but also in equestrianism. Notable Portuguese riders were medal winners in summer Olympics such as those of 1948 and 1988. This sport is engaged in primarily if not exclusively in regions with a history of horse breeding, riding, and cattle herding, in Ribatejo and Alentejo provinces, and has featured career military participants.

   Portuguese equestrianism, including the use of horses in bull-fighting, hunting, and other forms of sport, as well as in horse cavalry in war, was long associated with the lifestyles of royalty and the nobility. The use of traditional, Baroque riding gear and garb in competitive riding, instruction, and bull-fighting reflects such a tradition. Riders in bull-fighting or in exhibitions wear 18th-century male costumes that include a tricornered hat, long frock coats, breeches, stockings, and buckled shoes. The Ribatejo "cowboy" or riding herder wears the regional costume of a green and red cap, red tunic, white breeches and stockings, Portuguese bridles, and chaps sometimes made of olive leaves.

   Although their prestigious classical riding academy remains less well known than the famous Spanish Riding School of Vienna, Portugal has preserved the ancient tradition of a classical riding school in its Royal School of Portuguese Equestrian Arts, at Queluz, not far from the National Palace of Queluz, a miniature Portuguese Versailles, with a hall of mirrors, tiled garden, and canal. One of the great riding masters and trainers was the late Nuno Oliveira (1925-89), whose work generated a worldwide network of students and followers and who published classic riding manuals. Oliveira's widely admired method of instruction was to bring about a perfect harmony of action between horse and rider, an inspiration to new generations of riders.

    See also Queluz, National Palace of.

1 last, prior.

2 past, bygone, down-the-road, gone-by.

3 stale, gamey.

4 past, distant, remote.

1 past, time before right now.

2 past, yore, ancient times, yesterday.

3 past, track record, antecedents.

4 past, past tense.

past participle of spanish verb: pasar.

* * *

► nombre masculino

1 (tiempo) past

2 LINGÚÍSTICA past, past tense

► participio pasado

1→ link=pasar pasar

► adjetivo

1 past, gone by

2 (año, semana, etc) last

■ la semana pasada last week

3 (después) after

■ pasadas las once after eleven

4 (estropeado) bad

► nombre masculino pasado

1 (tiempo) past

2 LINGÚÍSTICA past, past tense

\

estar muy pasado,-a argot to be really out of it

pasado,-a de moda out of date, out of fashion, old-fashioned

pasado mañana the day after tomorrow

* * *

   1) The Knowledge of Ourselves

   We come therefore now to that knowledge whereunto the ancient oracle directeth us, which is the knowledge of ourselves; which deserveth the more accurate handling, by how much it toucheth us more nearly. This knowledge, as it is the end and term of natural philosophy in the intention of man, so notwithstanding it is but a portion of natural philosophy in the continent of nature.... [W]e proceed to human philosophy or Humanity, which hath two parts: the one considereth man segregate, or distributively; the other congregate, or in society. So as Human philosophy is either Simple and Particular, or Conjugate and Civil. Humanity Particular consisteth of the same parts whereof man consisteth; that is, of knowledges which respect the Body, and of knowledges that respect the Mind... how the one discloseth the other and how the one worketh upon the other... [:] the one is honored with the inquiry of Aristotle, and the other of Hippocrates. (Bacon, 1878, pp. 236-237)

   2) As a Science, Psychology Is Distinct

   The claims of Psychology to rank as a distinct science are... not smaller but greater than those of any other science. If its phenomena are contemplated objectively, merely as nervo-muscular adjustments by which the higher organisms from moment to moment adapt their actions to environing co-existences and sequences, its degree of specialty, even then, entitles it to a separate place. The moment the element of feeling, or consciousness, is used to interpret nervo-muscular adjustments as thus exhibited in the living beings around, objective Psychology acquires an additional, and quite exceptional, distinction. (Spencer, 1896, p. 141)

   3) Psychology Can Never Be an Exact Natural Science

   Kant once declared that psychology was incapable of ever raising itself to the rank of an exact natural science. The reasons that he gives... have often been repeated in later times. In the first place, Kant says, psychology cannot become an exact science because mathematics is inapplicable to the phenomena of the internal sense; the pure internal perception, in which mental phenomena must be constructed,-time,-has but one dimension. In the second place, however, it cannot even become an experimental science, because in it the manifold of internal observation cannot be arbitrarily varied,-still less, another thinking subject be submitted to one's experiments, comformably to the end in view; moreover, the very fact of observation means alteration of the observed object. (Wundt, 1904, p. 6)

   4) How a " Mathematical" Psychology May Be Realized in Practice

   It is [Gustav] Fechner's service to have found and followed the true way; to have shown us how a "mathematical psychology" may, within certain limits, be realized in practice.... He was the first to show how Herbart's idea of an "exact psychology" might be turned to practical account. (Wundt, 1904, pp. 6-7)

   5) The Rights of Psychology as Science

   "Mind," "intellect," "reason," "understanding," etc. are concepts... that existed before the advent of any scientific psychology. The fact that the naive consciousness always and everywhere points to internal experience as a special source of knowledge, may, therefore, be accepted for the moment as sufficient testimony to the rights of psychology as science.... "Mind," will accordingly be the subject, to which we attribute all the separate facts of internal observation as predicates. The subject itself is determined p. 17) wholly and exclusively by its predicates. (Wundt, 1904,

   6) The Study of Animal Psychology

   The study of animal psychology may be approached from two different points of view. We may set out from the notion of a kind of comparative physiology of mind, a universal history of the development of mental life in the organic world. Or we may make human psychology the principal object of investigation. Then, the expressions of mental life in animals will be taken into account only so far as they throw light upon the evolution of consciousness in man.... Human psychology... may confine itself altogether to man, and generally has done so to far too great an extent. There are plenty of psychological text-books from which you would hardly gather that there was any other conscious life than the human. (Wundt, 1907, pp. 340-341)

   7) The Behaviorist's Formulation

   The Behaviorist began his own formulation of the problem of psychology by sweeping aside all medieval conceptions. He dropped from his scientific vocabulary all subjective terms such as sensation, perception, image, desire, purpose, and even thinking and emotion as they were subjectively defined. (Watson, 1930, pp. 5-6)

   8) Man Is a Microcosm

   According to the medieval classification of the sciences, psychology is merely a chapter of special physics, although the most important chapter; for man is a microcosm; he is the central figure of the universe. (deWulf, 1956, p. 125)

   9) Brief Overview of Psychology's History

   At the beginning of this century the prevailing thesis in psychology was Associationism.... Behavior proceeded by the stream of associations: each association produced its successors, and acquired new attachments with the sensations arriving from the environment.

   In the first decade of the century a reaction developed to this doctrine through the work of the Wurzburg school. Rejecting the notion of a completely self-determining stream of associations, it introduced the task ( Aufgabe) as a necessary factor in describing the process of thinking. The task gave direction to thought. A noteworthy innovation of the Wurzburg school was the use of systematic introspection to shed light on the thinking process and the contents of consciousness. The result was a blend of mechanics and phenomenalism, which gave rise in turn to two divergent antitheses, Behaviorism and the Gestalt movement. The behavioristic reaction insisted that introspection was a highly unstable, subjective procedure.... Behaviorism reformulated the task of psychology as one of explaining the response of organisms as a function of the stimuli impinging upon them and measuring both objectively. However, Behaviorism accepted, and indeed reinforced, the mechanistic assumption that the connections between stimulus and response were formed and maintained as simple, determinate functions of the environment.

   The Gestalt reaction took an opposite turn. It rejected the mechanistic nature of the associationist doctrine but maintained the value of phenomenal observation. In many ways it continued the Wurzburg school's insistence that thinking was more than association-thinking has direction given to it by the task or by the set of the subject. Gestalt psychology elaborated this doctrine in genuinely new ways in terms of holistic principles of organization.

   Today psychology lives in a state of relatively stable tension between the poles of Behaviorism and Gestalt psychology.... (Newell & Simon, 1963, pp. 279-280)

    10) Psychological Research Is Not Building toward Systematic Clarity

   As I examine the fate of our oppositions, looking at those already in existence as guide to how they fare and shape the course of science, it seems to me that clarity is never achieved. Matters simply become muddier and muddier as we go down through time. Thus, far from providing the rungs of a ladder by which psychology gradually climbs to clarity, this form of conceptual structure leads rather to an ever increasing pile of issues, which we weary of or become diverted from, but never really settle. (Newell, 1973b, pp. 288-289)

    11) Psychology as a Scientific Discipline

   The subject matter of psychology is as old as reflection. Its broad practical aims are as dated as human societies. Human beings, in any period, have not been indifferent to the validity of their knowledge, unconcerned with the causes of their behavior or that of their prey and predators. Our distant ancestors, no less than we, wrestled with the problems of social organization, child rearing, competition, authority, individual differences, personal safety. Solving these problems required insights-no matter how untutored-into the psychological dimensions of life. Thus, if we are to follow the convention of treating psychology as a young discipline, we must have in mind something other than its subject matter. We must mean that it is young in the sense that physics was young at the time of Archimedes or in the sense that geometry was "founded" by Euclid and "fathered" by Thales. Sailing vessels were launched long before Archimedes discovered the laws of bouyancy [ sic], and pillars of identical circumference were constructed before anyone knew that C IID. We do not consider the ship builders and stone cutters of antiquity physicists and geometers. Nor were the ancient cave dwellers psychologists merely because they rewarded the good conduct of their children. The archives of folk wisdom contain a remarkable collection of achievements, but craft-no matter how perfected-is not science, nor is a litany of successful accidents a discipline. If psychology is young, it is young as a scientific discipline but it is far from clear that psychology has attained this status. (Robinson, 1986, p. 12)

1 to tell off (a niños).

2 to reprehend, to admonish, to scold, to bawl out.

María reprocha a su esposo Mary reproaches her husband.

* * *

► verbo transitivo

1 to reprimand, scold

* * *

VT (=amonestar) to reprimand, tell off *; [+ niño] to scold

* * *

verbo transitivo to scold, tell... off (colloq)

* * *

= set about, rebuke, reprimand, chide, censure, slap + Nombre + down, admonish, upbraid, castigate, chastise, berate, scold, tell + Nombe + off, slap + Nombre + on the wrist, get at.

Ex. I shall not quickly forget being halted in full flight by the explosive entrance of a lecturer who, without pause for reflection or apology, set about an unfortunate student for not being at a tutorial.

Ex. By this later period pressmen in England were despised as mere 'horses', the 'great guzzlers of beer' who were rebuked by the young Benjamin Franklin for their mindless intemperance.

Ex. At the next division and department head meeting, Kobitsky was reprimanded and told that she should learn to be an administrator and conduct herself accordingly = En la siguiente reunión de directores de división y departamento, Kobitsky fue amonestada y se le dijo que debería aprender a ser una administradora y actuar consecuentemente.

Ex. Some authors of papers lament the lack of a philosophy and gently chide librarians for the 'simplicity of their pragmatism'.

Ex. This agreement must build in incentives to participating libraries as well as methods of censuring those participants which do not fulfil their obligations to the other participating libraries in the network = Este acuerdo debe incorporar incentivos para las bibliotecas participantes así cómo la forma de llamarle la atención a aquellos participantes que no cumplan sus obligaciones con las otras bibliotecas de la red.

Ex. Not to put too fine a point on this, and slap me down if I am being rude, but from the questions you are asking I do not think you are ready for a project of this scope.

Ex. For nearly half a century librarians have been admonished to use history as a means to prevent mistakes and solve problems.

Ex. The generalists upbraid the vocationalists for promoting mere 'training' for work that may quickly become obsolete rather than 'education' for a career with a future.

Ex. In his report, one of the few really inspiring documents to have come out of librarianship, McColvin castigated the standards of cataloguing and classification he found.

Ex. The profession should cease practising the amateurism for which it chastises employers who have untrained persons trying to function as librarians.

Ex. Unfortunately, many of the writers are simply berating the current situation, holding to rather ancient models of mass culture.

Ex. Deciding whether an unruly child has something wrong in his genes or is just full of beans may determine whether he's scolded or offered remedial education.

Ex. Teachers should tackle bad behaviour in class by praising their pupils instead of telling them off, according to research published today.

Ex. After he was allegedly caught using steroids and slapped on the wrist he stopped using them and his ranking plummeted.

Ex. If you're always getting at them for smaller things, they won't know when they're really doing something wrong.

* * *

verbo transitivo to scold, tell... off (colloq)

* * *

* * *

reprender [E1 ]

to scold, tell … off ( colloq)

reprendió a los niños por jugar con la pelota en la calle she scolded the children o told the children off for playing ball in the street

* * *

* * *

reprender vt

* * *

v/t scold, tell off fam

* * *

reprender vt

: to reprimand, to scold

* * *

reprender vb to tell off [pt. & pp. told]

law (norma, precepto).

leyes law (derecho)

ganaron con todas las de la ley (informal) they won fair and square

de buena ley reliable, sterling

ley del embudo (informal) one law for oneself and another for everyone else

ley marcial martial law

ley de la oferta y la demanda law of supply and demand

ley sálica (history) Salic law

la Ley Seca (history) Prohibition

la ley de la selva the law of the jungle

ley de la ventaja (sport) advantage (law)

* * *

► nombre femenino

1 (gen) law; (proyecto de ley) bill, act; (regla) rule

2 (de metal) purity

\

aprobar una ley to pass a bill

con todas las de la ley proper

de ley (oro) pure 2 (plata) sterling 3 (persona) genuine

¡es ley de vida! that's life!, that's the way the cookie crumbles!

estar fuera de la ley to be outside the law

hecha la ley, hecha la trampa whatever the law, there's always a loophole, laws are made to be broken

por ley by law

la ley del más fuerte the law of the jungle

ley del embudo double standards plural

ley marcial martial law

ley orgánica constitutional law

ley sálica Salic law

ley seca prohibition law

* * *

1) law

2) purity

* * *

1) (=precepto) law

- hecha la ley hecha la trampa

2) (=regla no escrita) law

3) (=principio científico) law

4) (Dep) rule, law

5) (Rel)

6) (Metal)

7) † (=lealtad) loyalty, devotion

* * *

1) ( disposición legal) law

- ley de fuga

- ley del embudo

- ley seca

2) ( justicia)

- ley marcial/sálica

3) (Fís) law

- ley de la oferta y la demanda

4) (de oro, plata) assay value

* * *

= bill, law, legislative enactment, act.

Ex. The conference debated a library bill which aims to set up public libraries in all municipalities with over 30,000 inhabitants.

Ex. A catalogue code is a systematic arrangement of laws and statutes so as to avoid inconsistency and duplication in catalogues.

Ex. Apply this rule to legislative enactments and decrees of a political jurisdiction and decrees of a chief executive having the force of law.

Ex. This act allowed for the establishment of town libraries, which were free and open to all ratepayers and provided by funds from local rates.

----

* acatar la ley = follow + the law.

* acatar las leyes = keep on + the right side of the law.

* al borde de la ley = on the edge of the law.

* al margen de la ley = extra-judicial.

* ante la ley = at law.

* anteproyecto de ley = draft of legislation, draft bill.

* aprobar una ley = pass + law, pass + legislation, pass + bill.

* ausencia de ley = anomie.

* autoridad sancionadora de ley = enactor of law.

* castigar con todo el peso de la ley = punish + to the full extent of the law.

* confección de leyes = law-making [lawmaking/law making].

* con todas las de la ley = full-bodied, full-fledged, full-scale.

* con todo el peso de la ley = to the full extent of the law.

* contravenir la ley = contravene + the law, break + the law.

* contravenir una ley = be in breach of + law.

* creación de leyes = rulemaking [rule-making].

* creador de leyes = rule-maker [rulemaker].

* cumplidor de las leyes = law abiding.

* cumplir la ley = observe + the law.

* de acuerdo con la ley = according to law.

* de ley = kosher.

* dentro de la ley = within the law.

* elaboración de leyes = rulemaking [rule-making].

* espíritu de la ley, el = spirit of the law, the.

* formulación de leyes = rulemaking [rule-making].

* hacer cumplir la ley = law enforcement, enforce + law, legal enforcement.

* hacer las leyes más estrictas = tighten + laws.

* infractor de la ley = scofflaw.

* infringir la ley = break + the law.

* infringir una ley = infringe + law, violate + law, breach + law, be in breach of + law.

* interpretar la ley = interpret + the law.

* interpretar la ley según le convenga mejor a Uno = bend + the rules to suit + Posesivo + own purposes, bend + the rules, circumvent + rules.

* ir en contra de la ley = be against the law.

* legislación por decreto ley = delegated legislation.

* ley antigua = ancient law.

* ley antiterrorista = terrorism act.

* ley consuetudinaria = customary law.

* ley cósmica = cosmic law.

* ley de bibliotecas = library law.

* ley de bibliotecas, la = library act, the.

* ley de copyright = copyright law.

* ley de derechos de autor = copyright law.

* ley de dispersión = law of scattering.

* Ley de Dispersión de Bradford = Bradford's distribution law, Bradford's Law of Scatter, Bradford's Law of Scattering.

* ley de frecuencias de palabras de Zipf = Zipf's word frequency law.

* ley de la gravedad, la = law of gravity, the.

* ley de la oferta y la demanda = law of supply and demand.

* ley de la selva, la = law of the jungle, the.

* Ley del Derecho a la Privacidad = privacy law, privacy protection law, Privacy Act.

* ley del más fuerte, la = law of the jungle, the, law of the jungle, the, survival of the fittest, survival of the strongest.

* Ley de los Medicamentos Raros, la = Orphan Drug Act, the.

* ley de los rendimientos decrecientes = law of diminishing returns.

* Ley de Lotka, la = Lotka's Law.

* ley del secreto industrial = trade secret law.

* ley de Pareto = Pareto's law.

* ley de pesos y medidas = weights and measures act.

* ley de productividad científica de Lotka = Lotka's scientific productivity law.

* Ley de Propiedad Intelectual, la = intellectual property law, Copyright Act, the.

* ley de relación exponencial inversa al cuadrado = inverse square law.

* ley de relación exponencial inversa al cubo = inverse cube law.

* ley de responsabilidad por el producto = product liability law.

* Ley de Simplificación de los Procesos Administrativos = Paperwork Reduction Act.

* ley de sucesión = inheritance law.

* ley de vida = fact of life, laws of nature.

* ley draconiana = draconian law.

* leyes = the law of the land.

* leyes científicas = laws of physics.

* leyes contra la difamación = laws of libel.

* leyes de la ciencia = laws of physics.

* leyes de la física = laws of physics.

* leyes de la naturaleza = nature's laws, laws of nature.

* leyes sobre la igualdad = equity laws.

* leyes sobre patentes = patent law.

* leyes vigentes = the law of the land.

* ley exponencial = power law.

* ley exponencial inversa = inverse power law.

* ley marcial = martial law.

* Ley Patriótica, La = USA Patriot Act, the.

* ley penal = penal law.

* ley sobre contratos = contract law.

* ley sucesoria = inheritance law.

* ley tribal = tribal law.

* ley tributaria = tax bill.

* no infringir las leyes = stay on + the right side of the law, keep on + the right side of the law.

* obedecer la ley = observe + the law, follow + the law.

* organismo encargado de hacer cumplir la ley = law enforcing agency.

* por ley = mandated.

* promulgar leyes = enact + legislation.

* promulgar una ley = enact + law, promulgate + rule, promulgate + law.

* proteger por ley = protect by + law.

* proyecto de ley = green paper, legislative bill.

* quebrantar la ley = break + the law.

* rechazar una ley = defeat + legislation.

* redactar leyes = draft + legislation.

* redactar una ley = draft + law.

* respetar la ley = observe + the law.

* respetar las leyes = stay on + the right side of the law, keep on + the right side of the law.

* respetuoso de la ley = law abiding.

* saltarse la ley a la torera = flout + the law.

* ser responsable ante la ley = be criminally liable.

* tener problemas con la ley = fall + foul of the law, go + afoul of the law, fall + afoul of the law.

* transgresor de la ley = lawbreaker.

* valor de ley = force of law.

* violación de la ley = breach of legislation.

* violar una ley = violate + law, break + the law, be in breach of + law.

* * *

1) ( disposición legal) law

- ley de fuga

- ley del embudo

- ley seca

2) ( justicia)

- ley marcial/sálica

3) (Fís) law

- ley de la oferta y la demanda

4) (de oro, plata) assay value

* * *

* * *

A (disposición legal) law

conforme a la leyor según disponen las leyes in accordance with the law

promulgar/dictar una ley to promulgate/issue a law

aprobar/derogar una ley to pass/repeal a law

aplicar una ley to apply a law

se acogió a la ley de ciudadanía he sought protection under the citizenship law

violar la ley to break the law

atenerse a la ley to abide by o obey the law

es ley de vida it is a fact of life

hacerle la ley del hielo a algn (Chi, Méx); to give sb the cold shoulder

la ley de la selva or de la jungla the law of the jungle

la ley del más fuerte the survival of the fittest

la ley del mínimo esfuerzo the line of least resistance

la ley del Talión an eye for an eye

aplicar la ley del Talión to demand an eye for an eye

morir en su ley ( Andes); to die as one lived

tenerle ley a algn ( Chi fam); to have it in for sb ( colloq)

hecha la ley hecha la trampa or quien hace la ley hace la trampa every law has its loophole

ley pareja no es dura or rigurosa (CS); a rule isn't unfair if it applies to everyone

(en Esp) ≈ immigration laws (pl)

(Andes, Méx): aplicarle a algn la ley de fuga(s) the practice of allowing a prisoner to escape and then shooting him/her in the back

advantage rule

unfair law/rule

organic law

la ley seca Prohibition

tax law

(justicia): la ley the law

todos somos iguales ante la ley we are all equal in the eyes of the law o under the law

un representante de la ley a representative of the law

con todas las de la ley: ganó con todas las de la ley she won very fairly o rightly o deservedly

un almuerzo con todas las de la ley a proper o real lunch

martial law

Salic law

1 (regla natural) law

las leyes de la física the laws of physics

2 ( Bib) law

law of gravity

law of supply and demand

fpl Mendel's laws (pl)

D (de oro, plata) assay value

de buena ley genuine

* * *

◊ violar la ley to break the law;

* * *

ley nf

1. [norma] law;

hecha la ley, hecha la trampa laws are made to be broken;

leyes [derecho] law

ley de fugas = illegal execution of prisoner, pretending that he was shot while trying to escape;

ley fundamental basic law, constitutional law;

ley de incompatibilidades = act regulating which other positions may be held by people holding public office;

ley marcial martial law;

ley seca prohibition law;

aplicar la ley de la ventaja to play the advantage

2. [precepto religioso] law

la ley judía Jewish law

3. [principio] law

la ley del más fuerte the survival of the fittest;

la ley del mínimo esfuerzo: [m5] seguir la ley del mínimo esfuerzo to take the line of least resistance;

ley natural law of nature;

ley de la oferta y de la demanda law of supply and demand;

la ley de la selva the law of the jungle;

la ley del talión an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth;

no cree en la ley del talión she doesn't believe in “an eye for an eye”;

ley de vida: [m5] es ley de vida it's a fact of life

4.

la igualdad ante la ley equality before the law;

con todas las de la ley: ganaron con todas las de la ley they won fair and square;

ser de ley [situación] to be right and proper;

5. [de metal precioso]

de buena ley reliable, sterling;

de mala ley crooked, disreputable

* * *

f law;

es la ley del más fuerte might is right;

una ley no escrita an unwritten law;

con todas las de la ley fairly and squarely

* * *

ley nf

1) : law

fuera de la ley: outside the law

la ley de gravedad: the law of gravity

2) : purity (of metals)

oro de ley: pure gold

* * *

ley n law

1 footprint.

seguir las huellas de alguien (figurative) to follow in somebody's footsteps

huella digital o dactilar fingerprint

huella genética genetic fingerprint

2 trace (vestigio).

3 mark.

dejar huella to leave one's mark

4 step.

3^rd person singular (él/ella/ello) present indicative of spanish verb: hollar.

* * *

► nombre femenino

1 (de pie) footprint; (de ruedas) track

2 figurado (vestigio) trace, sign

■ las huellas del tiempo the traces of time

\

dejar huella to leave one's mark (en, on)

no quedar ni huella not to be a trace

seguir las huellas de alguien figurado to follow in somebody's footsteps

huella dactilar fingerprint

* * *

1) footprint

2) fingerprint

3) track

* * *

1) [en el suelo] (=pisada) footprint, footstep; [de coche, animal] track

2) (=rastro) trace

3) (=impronta)

4) (=acto) tread, treading

5) [de escalera] tread

* * *

a) ( pisada - de persona) footprint, footstep; (- de rueda) track

b) ( vestigio) mark

c) ( de escalón) tread

- huellas dactilares or digitales

* * *

= trace, footprint, imprint, footprint, footprint, track, print.

Ex. But there was no trace of sinisterness in Balzac's manner.

Ex. Such compact drives are attractive devices for laptop computers and for internal installation in desktop computers with compact footprints.

Ex. Harris was a librarian par excellence, whose imprint will become indelible in the history of Nigerian librarianship.

Ex. In later years, the famous book mythological significance of muddy footprints introduced me to the ancient Hippopotamian culture.

Ex. The article is entitled 'The Information footprint: a satellite-based information service'.

Ex. Topics include trees, leaf coloration, buds, seeds, vertebrate animals, animal tracks, insects and other arthropods, earthworms, characteristics of living things, and microhabitats.

Ex. Some of the exhibition's objects are plaster casts of such perishables as dying daffodil heads and hoof prints.

----

* borrar + Posesivo + huellas = cover up + Posesivo + tracks.

* dejar huella = leave + Posesivo + mark, cut + a swath(e), leave + a trace, touch + Posesivo + life, leave + an impression, leave + an imprint, make + an impression.

* dejar huellas = leave + footprints.

* dejar una huella imborrable = leave + a lasting memory.

* dejar una huella imborrable = leave + a lasting impression.

* desaparecer sin dejar huella = evaporate into + thin air, vanish into + thin air, disappear into + thin air, disappear without + a trace, disappear into + the blue, vanish into + the blue.

* hacer huella = leave + an impression, touch + Posesivo + life, leave + Posesivo + mark, cut + a swath(e), leave + an imprint, make + an impression.

* huella dactilar = fingerprint [finger-print].

* huella de carbono = carbon imprint, carbon footprint.

* huella dejada por el pulgar = thumb-mark.

* huella ecológica = ecological imprint, ecological footprint.

* huellas = set of tracks.

* identificación mediante las huellas dactilares = finger-print identification.

* sin dejar huella = into thin air.

* * *

a) ( pisada - de persona) footprint, footstep; (- de rueda) track

b) ( vestigio) mark

c) ( de escalón) tread

- huellas dactilares or digitales

* * *

* * *

1 (pisada — de una persona) footprint, footstep; (— de un animal) pawprint ( o hoofmark etc)

siguieron las huellas del animal they followed the animal's tracks o pawprints ( o hoofmarks etc)

2 (vestigio) mark

la huella islámica en la literatura española the Islamic influence on Spanish literature

en su rostro se veía la huella del tiempo time had left its mark on his face ( liter)

desaparecieron sin dejar huella they disappeared without (a) trace

3 (de un escalón) tread

carbon footprint

ecological footprint

genetic fingerprint

fpl fingerprints (pl)

social impact; social footprint

* * *

3ª persona singular (él/ella/usted) presente indicativo

2ª persona singular (tú) imperativo

a) ( pisada — de persona) footprint, footstep;

◊ las huellas del animal the animal's tracks o pawprints (o hoofmarks etc);

b) ( vestigio) mark;

◊ sin dejar huella without (a) trace

* * *

♦ ver hollar

♦ nf

1. [de persona] footprint;

seguir las huellas de alguien to follow in sb's footsteps

huella digital fingerprint;

huella genética genetic fingerprint

2. [vestigio] trace;

todavía no han desaparecido las huellas de las inundaciones you can still see the signs of the flooding

3. [impresión profunda] mark;

su rostro reflejaba las huellas del esfuerzo her face showed signs of the effort she was putting in;

dejar huella: desaparecieron sin dejar huella they vanished without trace;

un estilo de componer que ha dejado huella a style of composing that has been very influential;

sus enseñanzas dejaron huella en sus discípulos her teachings influenced her followers

4. [de escalón] tread

* * *

f mark; de animal track;

seguir las huellas de alguien follow in s.o.’s footsteps

* * *

huella, etc. hollar

huella nf

1) : footprint

seguir las huellas de alguien: to follow in someone's footsteps

2) : mark, impact

dejar huella: to leave one's mark

sin dejar huella: without a trace

huella digital or

huella dactilar : fingerprint

* * *

huella n

1. (de persona) footprint

2. (de animal, vehículo) track

   1) There Are Ideas That Have Their Own True and Immutable Nature

   And what I believe to be more important here is that I find in myself an infinity of ideas of certain things which cannot be assumed to be pure nothingness, even though they may have perhaps no existence outside of my thought. These things are not figments of my imagination, even though it is within my power to think of them or not to think of them; on the contrary, they have their own true and immutable natures. Thus, for example, when I imagine a triangle, even though there may perhaps be no such figure anywhere in the world outside of my thought, nor ever have been, nevertheless the figure cannot help having a certain determinate nature... or essence, which is immutable and eternal, which I have not invented and which does not in any way depend upon my mind. (Descartes, 1951, p. 61)

   2) Examine What Is within Our Reach

   Let us console ourselves for not knowing the possible connections between a spider and the rings of Saturn, and continue to examine what is within our reach. (Voltaire, 1961, p. 144)

   3) Modern Philosophy Starts with the Cartesian Catastrophe

   As modern physics started with the Newtonian revolution, so modern philosophy starts with what one might call the Cartesian Catastrophe. The catastrophe consisted in the splitting up of the world into the realms of matter and mind, and the identification of "mind" with conscious thinking. The result of this identification was the shallow rationalism of l'esprit Cartesien, and an impoverishment of psychology which it took three centuries to remedy even in part. (Koestler, 1964, p. 148)

   4) The Rightful Claims of Philosophy

   It has been made of late a reproach against natural philosophy that it has struck out on a path of its own, and has separated itself more and more widely from the other sciences which are united by common philological and historical studies. The opposition has, in fact, been long apparent, and seems to me to have grown up mainly under the influence of the Hegelian philosophy, or, at any rate, to have been brought out into more distinct relief by that philosophy.... The sole object of Kant's "Critical Philosophy" was to test the sources and the authority of our knowledge, and to fix a definite scope and standard for the researches of philosophy, as compared with other sciences.... [But Hegel's] "Philosophy of Identity" was bolder. It started with the hypothesis that not only spiritual phenomena, but even the actual world-nature, that is, and man-were the result of an act of thought on the part of a creative mind, similar, it was supposed, in kind to the human mind.... The philosophers accused the scientific men of narrowness; the scientific men retorted that the philosophers were crazy. And so it came about that men of science began to lay some stress on the banishment of all philosophic influences from their work; while some of them, including men of the greatest acuteness, went so far as to condemn philosophy altogether, not merely as useless, but as mischievous dreaming. Thus, it must be confessed, not only were the illegitimate pretensions of the Hegelian system to subordinate to itself all other studies rejected, but no regard was paid to the rightful claims of philosophy, that is, the criticism of the sources of cognition, and the definition of the functions of the intellect. (Helmholz, quoted in Dampier, 1966, pp. 291-292)

   5) The Philosophy of Philosophy

   Philosophy remains true to its classical tradition by renouncing it. (Habermas, 1972, p. 317)

   6) Philosophy Is a Field Which Has Certain Central Questions

   I have not attempted... to put forward any grand view of the nature of philosophy; nor do I have any such grand view to put forth if I would. It will be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the history of "howlers" and progress in philosophy as the debunking of howlers. It will also be obvious that I do not agree with those who see philosophy as the enterprise of putting forward a priori truths about the world.... I see philosophy as a field which has certain central questions, for example, the relation between thought and reality.... It seems obvious that in dealing with these questions philosophers have formulated rival research programs, that they have put forward general hypotheses, and that philosophers within each major research program have modified their hypotheses by trial and error, even if they sometimes refuse to admit that that is what they are doing. To that extent philosophy is a "science." To argue about whether philosophy is a science in any more serious sense seems to me to be hardly a useful occupation.... It does not seem to me important to decide whether science is philosophy or philosophy is science as long as one has a conception of both that makes both essential to a responsible view of the world and of man's place in it. (Putnam, 1975, p. xvii)

   7) The Central Task of Philosophy

   What can philosophy contribute to solving the problem of the relation [of] mind to body? Twenty years ago, many English-speaking philosophers would have answered: "Nothing beyond an analysis of the various mental concepts." If we seek knowledge of things, they thought, it is to science that we must turn. Philosophy can only cast light upon our concepts of those things.

   This retreat from things to concepts was not undertaken lightly. Ever since the seventeenth century, the great intellectual fact of our culture has been the incredible expansion of knowledge both in the natural and in the rational sciences (mathematics, logic).

   The success of science created a crisis in philosophy. What was there for philosophy to do? Hume had already perceived the problem in some degree, and so surely did Kant, but it was not until the twentieth century, with the Vienna Circle and with Wittgenstein, that the difficulty began to weigh heavily. Wittgenstein took the view that philosophy could do no more than strive to undo the intellectual knots it itself had tied, so achieving intellectual release, and even a certain illumination, but no knowledge. A little later, and more optimistically, Ryle saw a positive, if reduced role, for philosophy in mapping the "logical geography" of our concepts: how they stood to each other and how they were to be analyzed....

   Since that time, however, philosophers in the "analytic" tradition have swung back from Wittgensteinian and even Rylean pessimism to a more traditional conception of the proper role and tasks of philosophy. Many analytic philosophers now would accept the view that the central task of philosophy is to give an account, or at least play a part in giving an account, of the most general nature of things and of man. (Armstrong, 1990, pp. 37-38)

   8) Philosophy's Evolving Engagement with Artificial Intelligence and Cognitive Science

   In the beginning, the nature of philosophy's engagement with artificial intelligence and cognitive science was clear enough. The new sciences of the mind were to provide the long-awaited vindication of the most potent dreams of naturalism and materialism. Mind would at last be located firmly within the natural order. We would see in detail how the most perplexing features of the mental realm could be supported by the operations of solely physical laws upon solely physical stuff. Mental causation (the power of, e.g., a belief to cause an action) would emerge as just another species of physical causation. Reasoning would be understood as a kind of automated theorem proving. And the key to both was to be the depiction of the brain as the implementation of multiple higher level programs whose task was to manipulate and transform symbols or representations: inner items with one foot in the physical (they were realized as brain states) and one in the mental (they were bearers of contents, and their physical gymnastics were cleverly designed to respect semantic relationships such as truth preservation). (A. Clark, 1996, p. 1)

   9) The Enduring Value of Philosophy

   Socrates of Athens famously declared that "the unexamined life is not worth living," and his motto aptly explains the impulse to philosophize. Taking nothing for granted, philosophy probes and questions the fundamental presuppositions of every area of human inquiry.... [P]art of the job of the philosopher is to keep at a certain critical distance from current doctrines, whether in the sciences or the arts, and to examine instead how the various elements in our world-view clash, or fit together. Some philosophers have tried to incorporate the results of these inquiries into a grand synoptic view of the nature of reality and our human relationship to it. Others have mistrusted system-building, and seen their primary role as one of clarifications, or the removal of obstacles along the road to truth. But all have shared the Socratic vision of using the human intellect to challenge comfortable preconceptions, insisting that every aspect of human theory and practice be subjected to continuing critical scrutiny....

   Philosophy is, of course, part of a continuing tradition, and there is much to be gained from seeing how that tradition originated and developed. But the principal object of studying the materials in this book is not to pay homage to past genius, but to enrich one's understanding of central problems that are as pressing today as they have always been-problems about knowledge, truth and reality, the nature of the mind, the basis of right action, and the best way to live. These questions help to mark out the territory of philosophy as an academic discipline, but in a wider sense they define the human predicament itself; they will surely continue to be with us for as long as humanity endures. (Cottingham, 1996, pp. xxi-xxii)

    10) The Distinction between Dionysian Man and Apollonian Man, between Art and Creativity and Reason and Self- Control

   In his study of ancient Greek culture, The Birth of Tragedy, Nietzsche drew what would become a famous distinction, between the Dionysian spirit, the untamed spirit of art and creativity, and the Apollonian, that of reason and self-control. The story of Greek civilization, and all civilizations, Nietzsche implied, was the gradual victory of Apollonian man, with his desire for control over nature and himself, over Dionysian man, who survives only in myth, poetry, music, and drama. Socrates and Plato had attacked the illusions of art as unreal, and had overturned the delicate cultural balance by valuing only man's critical, rational, and controlling consciousness while denigrating his vital life instincts as irrational and base. The result of this division is "Alexandrian man," the civilized and accomplished Greek citizen of the later ancient world, who is "equipped with the greatest forces of knowledge" but in whom the wellsprings of creativity have dried up. (Herman, 1997, pp. 95-96)

Aymara.

1 Aymara.

2 Aymara.

* * *

= Aymara.

Ex. This book looks at the linguistic history of potato cultivation in the Andes by considering the Quechua and Aymara terminology associated with this crop.

* * *

* * *

Aymara ( before n)

1 Aymara Indian

2 aymara masculine (idioma) Aymara

* * *

aymara, aimara

♦ adj

Aymara

♦ nmf

♦ nm

Aymara was the language of an ancient culture which flourished between the fifth and eleventh centuries at Tiahuanaco in what are now the highlands of Bolivia and which was subsequently conquered by the Incas. In the last fifty years there has been a renaissance in Aymara culture and the language itself, which today has over one and a half million speakers of its various dialects in the mountain areas of Peru, Bolivia and Chile. In December 2005 an Aymara speaker, Evo Morales, won a landslide electoral victory to become the first indigenous president of Bolivia.

ὄνομα, ατος, τό (Hom.+).

① proper name of an entity, name

ⓐ gener. τῶν ἀποστόλων τὰ ὀνόματα ἐστιν ταῦτα Mt 10:2; cp. Rv 21:14. τῶν παρθένων τὰ ὀν. Hs 9, 15, 1. τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρός Lk 1:59. ὄν. μοι, sc. ἐστίν, my name is (Od. 9, 366) Mk 5:9b. τί ὄν. σοι; what is your name? vs. 9a; w. copula Lk 8:30.—The expressions ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν., οὗ τὸ ὄν., καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (αὐτῆς), ὄν. αὐτῷ (parenthetic) are almost always without the copula (B-D-F §128, 3; Rob. 395): ᾧ (ᾗ) ὄν. (Sb 7573, 13 [116 A.D.]; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac.; Just., A I, 53, 8 ᾧ ὄν. Λώτ) Lk 1:26, 27a; 2:25; 8:41; 24:13, 18 v.l.; Ac 13:6.—οὗ τὸ ὄν. (without a verb as BGU 344, 1) Mk 14:32. Cp. ὧν τὰ ὀνόματα ἐν βίβλῳ ζωῆς Phil 4:3 (ὧν τὰ ὀν. is a formula [Dssm., LO 95=LAE 121]. S. esp. BGU 432 II, 3 ὧν τὰ ὀν. τῷ βιβλιδίῳ δεδήλωται).—καὶ τὸ ὄν. αὐτῆς Lk 1:5b. καὶ τὸ ὄν. τῆς παρθένου Μαριάμ vs. 27b.—ὄν. αὐτῷ (Demosth. 32, 11 Ἀριστοφῶν ὄνομʼ αὐτῷ; Dionys. Hal. 8, 89, 4; Aelian, NA 8, 2 γυνὴ … Ἡρακληὶς ὄν. αὐτῇ; LXX) J 1:6; 3:1. ὁ καθήμενος ἐπάνω αὐτοῦ (i.e. τοῦ ἵππου), ὄν. αὐτῷ (ὁ) θάνατος Rv 6:8; cp. 9:11a.—W. the copula ἦν δὲ ὄν. τῷ δούλῳ Μάλχος J 18:10 (POxy 465, 12 ὁ δὲ κραταιὸς αὐτοῦ, ὄν. αὐτῷ ἐστιν Νεβύ, μηνύει; Jos., Ant. 19, 332). ἄγγελος …, οὗ τὸ ὄν. ἐστιν Θεγρί Hv 4, 2, 4.—The dat. is quite freq. ὀνόματι named, by name (X., Hell. 1, 6, 29 Σάμιος ὀνόματι Ἱππεύς; Tob 6:11 BA; 4 Macc 5:4; Just., D. 85, 6; 115, 3; B-D-F §160; 197; Rob. 487) ἄνθρωπον ὀν. Σίμωνα Mt 27:32; cp. Mk 5:22; Lk 1:5a; 5:27; 10:38; 16:20; 23:50; 24:18; Ac 5:1, 34; 8:9; 9:10–12, 33, 36; 10:1; 11:28; 12:13; 16:1, 14; 17:34; 18:2, 7, 24; 19:24; 20:9; 21:10; 27:1; 28:7; MPol 4. Also the acc. τοὔνομα (on the crasis s. B-D-F §18; Mlt-H. 63; FPreisigke, Griech. Urkunden des ägypt. Mus. zu Kairo [1911] 2, 6 γυνὴ Ταμοῦνις τοὔνομα; Diod S 2, 45, 4 πόλιν τοὔνομα Θ.; Lucian, Dial. Deor. 3; Philo, Leg. All. 1, 68; Jos., Ant. 7, 344, Vi. 382) named, by name (the acc. as X. et al., also 2 Macc 12:13; Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 1, 5 Jac. υἱὸν ὄ. Δάν.—B-D-F §160; Rob. 487) Mt 27:57. (Cp. ὄν. gener. as ‘mode of expression’ εἰ καὶ διάφορα ὀνόματα ἐστιν, ἀλλʼ … οἰκείαν … δέχεται τὴν νόησιν although there are various ways of expressing it, it nevertheless has a definite sense Did., Gen. 86, 22 [of various metaphors and images for the soul].)

ⓑ used w. verbs

α. as their obj.: ὄν. ἔχειν Did., Gen. 29, 6 bear the name or as name, be named ὄν. ἔχει Ἀπολλύων Rv 9:11b (in this case the name Ἀ. stands independently in the nom.; B-D-F §143; Rob. 458). καλεῖν τὸ ὄν. τινος w. the name foll. in the acc. (after the Hb.; B-D-F §157, 2; Rob. 459) καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦν you are to name him Jesus Mt 1:21; Lk 1:31.—Mt 1:25. καλέσεις τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰωάννην Lk 1:13. καλέσουσιν τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἐμμανουήλ Mt 1:23 (Is 7:14). διδόναι GJs 6:2. Pass. w. the name in the nom. (cp. GrBar 6:10 Φοῖνιξ καλεῖται τὸ ὄν. μου) ἐκλήθη τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Ἰησοῦς Lk 2:21; cp. Rv 19:13. Also τὸ ὄν. τοῦ ἀστέρος λέγεται ὁ ῎ Αψινθος Rv 8:11.—ἐπιθεῖναι ὄν. τινι w. acc. of the name Mk 3:16f; cp. 12:8f; κληρονομεῖν ὄν. receive a name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2. κληροῦσθαι τὸ αὐτὸ ὄν. obtain the same name (s. κληρόω 2) MPol 6:2.—τὰ ὀν. ὑμῶν ἐγγέγραπται ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς Lk 10:20.—Rv 13:8; 17:8. ἐξαλείψω τὸ ὄν. αὐτῶν 1 Cl 53:3 (Dt 9:14); Rv 3:5a (perh. to be placed in 4 below); s. ἐξαλείφω.

β. in another way (εἰ δέ τις ὀνόματι καλέσει but if anyone is so named Hippol., Ref. 6, 20, 2): ὸ̔ς καλεῖται τῷ ὀνόματι τούτῳ who is so named Lk 1:61. ἀνὴρ ὀνόματι καλούμενος Ζακχαῖος a man whose name was Zacchaeus 19:2. καλεῖν τι (i.e. παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί τινος name someone after someone 1:59. Cp. IMg 10:1. This leads to

ⓒ used w. prepositions: ἐξ ὀνόματος (Ctesias, Ind. p. 105 M.: Diod S 13, 15, 1; 37, 15, 2; Appian, Mithrid. 59, §243, Bell. Civ. 3, 21 §77; 4, 73 §310; PGM 4, 2973; Jos., Ant. 2, 275) by name, individually, one by one (so that no one is lost in the crowd) ἐξ ὀν. πάντας ζήτει IPol 4:2. ἀσπάζομαι πάντας ἐξ ὀνόματος 8:2. πάντες ἐξ ὀν. συνέρχεσθε (parallel to κατʼ ἄνδρα) IEph 20:2.—κατʼ ὄν. by name, individually (Diod S 16, 44, 2; Gen 25:13; EpArist 247; Jos., Bell. 7, 14) J 10:3 (New Docs 3, 77f; animals called individually by name: Ps.-Aristot., Mirabil. 118.—HAlmqvist, Plut. u. das NT ’46, 74). Esp. in greetings (BGU 27, 18 [II A.D.] ἀσπάζομαι πάντας τοὺς φιλοῦντάς σε κατʼ ὄν.; POxy 1070, 46; pap in Dssm., LO 160/1, ln. 14f [LAE 193, ln. 15, note 21]; New Docs 3, 77f) 3J 15; ISm 13:2b. ῥάβδους ἐπιγεγραμμένας ἑκάστης φυλῆς κατʼ ὄν. staffs, each one inscribed with the name of a tribe 1 Cl 43:2b.

ⓓ used in combination with God and Jesus. On the significance of the Divine Name in history of religions s. FGiesebrecht, Die atl. Schätzung des Gottesnamens 1901; Bousset, Rel.³ 309ff; ADieterich, Eine Mithrasliturgie 1903, 110ff; FConybeare, JQR 8, 1896; 9, 1897, esp. 9, 581ff; JBoehmer, Das bibl. ‘im Namen’ 1898, BFCT V 6, 1901, 49ff, Studierstube 2, 1904, 324ff; 388ff; 452ff; 516ff; 580ff; BJacob, Im Namen Gottes 1903;WHeitmüller, ‘Im Namen Jesu’ 1903; WBrandt, TT 25, 1891, 565ff; 26, 1892, 193ff; 38, 1904, 355ff; RHirzel, Der Name: ASG 36, 2, 1918; Schürer III⁴ 409–11; HObbink, De magische betekenis van den naam inzonderheid in het oude Egypte 1925; OGrether, Name u. Wort Gottes im AT ’34; HHuffman, Name: 1148–52.—The belief in the efficacy of the name is extremely old; its origin goes back to the most ancient times and the most primitive forms of intellectual and religious life. It has exhibited an extraordinary vitality. The period of our lit. also sees—within as well as without the new community of believers—in the name someth. real, a piece of the very nature of the personality whom it designates, expressing the person’s qualities and powers. Accordingly, names, esp. holy names, are revered and used in customary practices and ritual (σέβεσθαι θεῶν ὀνόματα Theoph. Ant., 1, 9 [p. 76, 7]), including magic. In Israelite tradition the greatest reverence was paid to the holy name of God and to its numerous paraphrases or substitutes; the names of angels and patriarchs occupied a secondary place. The syncretistic practices of the period revered the names of gods, daemons, and heroes, or even magic words that made no sense at all, but had a mysterious sound. The Judeo-Christians revere and use the name of God and, of course, the name of Jesus. On magic in Jewish circles, s. Schürer III 342–79; for the NT period in general s. MSmith, Clement of Alexandria and a Secret Gospel of Mark ’73, 195–230.—The names of God and Jesus

α. in combination w. attributes: διαφορώτερον ὄν. a more excellent name Hb 1:4=1 Cl 36:2 (διάφορος 2). ἅγιον τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ Lk 1:49 (cp. Ps 110:9; Lev 18:21; 22:2; PGM 3, 570; 627; 4, 1005; 3071; 5, 77; 13, 561 μέγα κ. ἅγιον). τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ 1 Cl 64; τὸ μέγα καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hv 4, 1, 3; 4, 2, 4 (on ἔνδοξον ὄν., cp. EPeterson, Εἷ θεός 1926, 282.—ὄν. μέγα κ. ἅγ. κ. ἔνδ.: PGM 13, 183f; 504f). τὸ μέγα καὶ θαυμαστὸν καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. Hs 9, 18, 5; τὸ πανάγιον καὶ ἔνδοξον ὄν. 1 Cl 58:1a; τοῦ παντοκράτορος καὶ ἐνδόξου ὄν. Hv 3, 3, 5; τὸ πανάρετον ὄν. 1 Cl 45:7; τῷ παντοκράτορι καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι 60:4; τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. 58:1b. τὸ ὄν. μου θαυμαστὸν ἐν τοῖς ἔθνεσι D 14:3 (cp. Mal 1:14). The words ὄν. θεοπρεπέστατον IMg 1:2 are difficult to interpret (s. Hdb. ad loc.; θεοπρεπής b).

β. in combination w. verbs: ἁγιάζειν τὸ ὄν. Mt 6:9 (AFridrichsen, Helligt vorde dit naun: DTT 8, 1917, 1–16). Lk 11:2; D 8:2 (ἁγιάζω 3). βλασφημεῖν (q.v. bγ) τὸ ὄν. Rv 13:6; 16:9; pass. βλασφημεῖται τὸ ὄν. (Is 52:5) Ro 2:24; 2 Cl 13:1f, 4; ITr 8:2. βλασφημίας ἐπιφέρεσθαι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου bring blasphemy upon the name of the Lord 1 Cl 47:7. πφοσέθηκαν κατὰ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου βλασφημίαν Hs 6, 2, 3; βεβηλοῦν τὸ ὄν. 8, 6, 2 (s. βεβηλόω). ἀπαγγελῶ τὸ ὄν. τ. ἀδελφοῖς μου Hb 2:12 (cp. Ps 21:23). ὅπως διαγγελῇ τὸ ὄν. μου ἐν πάσῃ τῇ γῇ Ro 9:17 (Ex 9:16). δοξάζειν τὸ ὄν. (σου, τοῦ κυρίου, τοῦ θεοῦ etc.) Rv 15:4; 1 Cl 43:6; IPhld 10:1; Hv 2, 1, 2; 3, 4, 3; 4, 1, 3; Hs 9, 18, 5 (s. δοξάζω 1; cp. GJs 7:2; 12:1[w. ref. to name of Mary]). ὅπως ἐνδοξασθῇ τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ 2 Th 1:12. ἐλπίζειν τῷ ὀν. Mt 12:21 (vv.ll. ἐν or ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.; the pass. on which it is based, Is 42:4, has ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν.). ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου (as PsSol 6:1) or αὐτοῦ, σου etc. (w. ref. to God or Christ) call on the name of the Lord Ac 2:21 (Jo 3:5); 9:14, 21; 22:16; Ro 10:13 (Jo 3:5); 1 Cor 1:2. ψυχὴ ἐπικεκλημένη τὸ μεγαλοπρεπὲς καὶ ἅγιον ὄν. αὐτοῦ a person who calls upon his exalted and holy name 1 Cl 64.—Pass. πάντα τὰ ἔθνη ἐφʼ οὓς ἐπικέκληται τὸ ὄν. μου ἐπʼ αὐτούς Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12). τὸ καλὸν ὄν. τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς Js 2:7 (on καλὸν ὄν. cp. Sb 343, 9 and the Pompeian graffito in Dssm., LO 237 [LAE 276]). πάντες οἱ ἐπικαλούμενοι τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ all those who are called by (the Lord’s) name Hs 9, 14, 3; cp. οἱ κεκλημένοι τῷ ὀν. κυρίου those who are called by the name of the Lord 8, 1, 1. ἐπαισχύνεσθαι τὸ ὄν. κυρίου τὸ ἐπικληθὲν ἐπʼ αὐτούς be ashamed of the name that is named over them 8, 6, 4. ὁμολογεῖν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ praise his name Hb 13:15 (cp. PsSol 15:2 ἐξομολογήσασθαι τῷ ὀνόματι σου). ὀνομάζειν τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 2 Ti 2:19 (Is 26:13). ψάλλειν τῷ ὀν. σου Ro 15:9 (Ps 17:50). οὐ μὴ λάβῃς ἐπὶ ματαίῳ τὸ ὄν. κυρίου 19:5 (Ex 20:7; Dt 5:11).—Although in the preceding examples the name is oft. practically inseparable fr. the being that bears it, this is perh. even more true of the foll. cases, in which the name appears almost as the representation of the Godhead, as a tangible manifestation of the divine nature (Quint. Smyrn. 9, 465 Polidarius, when healing, calls on οὔνομα πατρὸς ἑοῖο ‘the name of his father’ [Asclepius]; τοσοῦτον … δύναται τὸ ὄ. τοῦ Ἰησοῦ κατὰ τῶν δαιμόνων Orig., C. Cels. 1, 56, 11; Dt 18:7; 3 Km 8:16; Ps 68:37; Zech 13:2 ἐξολεθρεύσω τὰ ὀν. τῶν εἰδώλων; Zeph 1:4; PsSol 7:6; Just., D. 121, 3 ὑποτάσσεσθαι αὐτοῦ ὀν.): the ‘name’ of God is ἀρχέγονον πάσης κτίσεως 1 Cl 59:3. Sim. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ μέγα ἐστὶ καὶ τὸν κόσμον ὅλον βαστάζει Hs 9, 14, 5. λατρεύειν τῷ παναρέτῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ worship the most excellent name (of the Most High) 1 Cl 45:7. ὑπακούειν τῷ παναγίῳ καὶ ἐνδόξῳ ὀν. αὐτοῦ be obedient to his most holy and glorious name 58:1a. ὑπήκοον γενέσθαι τῷ παντοκρατορικῷ καὶ παναρέτῳ ὀν. 60:4. κηρύσσειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ Hs 9, 16, 5. ἐπιγινώσκειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ 9, 16, 7. φοβεῖσθαι τὸ ὄν. σου Rv 11:18. φανεροῦν τινι τὸ ὄν. σου J 17:6. γνωρίζειν τινὶ τὸ ὄν. σου vs. 26. πιστεύειν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ believe in the name of (God’s) son 1J 3:23. Also πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. (s. γב below and s. πιστεύω 2aβ).—Of the name borne by followers of Jesus Christ (cp. Theoph. Ant. 1, 1 [p. 58, 13]): κρατεῖς τὸ ὄν. μου you cling to my name Rv 2:13. The same mng. also holds for the expressions: λαμβάνειν τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Hs 9, 12, 4; 8; 9, 13, 2a; 7. τοῦ βαστάσαι τὸ ὄν. μου ἐνώπιον ἐθνῶν to bear my name before (the) Gentiles Ac 9:15. τὸ ὄν. ἡδέως βαστάζειν bear the name gladly Hs 8, 10, 3; cp. 9, 28, 5b. τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ φορεῖν 9, 13, 3; 9, 14, 5f; 9, 15, 2; cp. 9, 13, 2b. Christians receive this name at their baptism: πρὶν φορέσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸ ὄν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ νεκρός ἐστιν before a person bears the name of God’s Son (which is given the candidate at baptism), he is dead 9, 16, 3. Of dissemblers and false teachers ὄν. μὲν ἔχουσιν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς πίστεως κενοί εἰσιν they have the (Christian) name, but are devoid of faith 9, 19, 2. Of Christians in appearance only ἐν ὑποκρίσει φέροντες τὸ ὄν. τοῦ κυρίου who bear the Lord’s name in pretense Pol 6:3. δόλῳ πονηρῷ τὸ ὄν. περιφέρειν carry the name about in wicked deceit (evidently of wandering preachers) IEph 7:1. τὸ ὄν. ἐπαισχύνονται τοῦ κυρίου αὐτῶν they are ashamed of their Lord’s name Hs 9, 21, 3. More fully: ἐπαισχύνονται τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ φορεῖν 9, 14, 6.

γ. used w. prepositions

א. w. διά and the gen. διὰ τοῦ ὀνόματός μου πιστεύειν PtK 3 p. 15 ln. 12; σωθῆναι διὰ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἐνδόξου ὀν. be saved through the great and glorious name Hv 4, 2, 4. εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν τοῦ θεοῦ εἰσελθεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ (τοῦ θεοῦ) Hs 9, 12, 5. ἄφεσιν ἁμαρτιῶν λαβεῖν διὰ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ Ac 10:43 (cp. Just., D. 11, 4 al.). σημεῖα … γίνεσθαι διὰ τοῦ ὀν. … Ἰησοῦ by the power of the name 4:30. Differently παρακαλεῖν τινα διὰ τοῦ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου appeal to someone by the name (= while calling on the name) of the Lord 1 Cor 1:10.—W. διά and the acc. μισούμενοι … διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου hated on account of my name (i.e., because you bear it) Mt 10:22; 24:9; Mk 13:13; Lk 21:17 (Just., A I, 4, 2 al.). ποιεῖν τι εἴς τινα διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου J 15:21. ἀφέωνται ὑμῖν αἱ ἁμαρτίαι διὰ τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ your sins are forgiven on account of (Jesus’) name 1J 2:12. βαστάζειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. μου bear (hardship) for my name’s sake Rv 2:3 (s. βαστάζω 2bβ). πάσχειν διὰ τὸ ὄν. (also w. a gen. like αὐτοῦ) Pol 8:2; Hv 3, 2, 1b; Hs 9, 28, 3.

ב. w. εἰς: somet. evidently as rendering of rabb. לְשֵׁם with regard to, in thinking of δέχεσθαί τινα εἰς ὄν. Ἰ. Χρ. receive someone in deference to Jesus Christ IRo 9:3. δύο ἢ τρεῖς συνηγμένοι εἰς τὸ ἐμὸν ὄν. two or three gathered and thinking of me, i.e., so that I am the reason for their assembling Mt 18:20; but here the other mng. (s. ג below) has had some influence: ‘while naming’ or ‘calling on my name’. τῆς ἀγάπης ἧς ἐνεδείξασθε εἰς τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ (i.e. θεοῦ) Hb 6:10 is either the love that you have shown with regard to him, i.e. for his sake, or we have here the frequently attested formula of Hellenistic legal and commercial language (s. Mayser II/2 p. 415; Dssm. B 143ff, NB 25, LO 97f [BS 146f; 197; LAE 121]; Heitmüller, op. cit. 100ff; FPreisigke, Girowesen im griech. Ägypt. 1910, 149ff. On the LXX s. Heitmüller 110f; JPsichari, Essai sur le Grec de la Septante 1908, 202f): εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος to the name=to the account (over which the name stands). Then the deeds of love, although shown to humans, are dedicated to God.—The concept of dedication is also highly significant, in all probability, for the understanding of the expr. βαπτίζειν εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τινος. Through baptism εἰς (τὸ) ὄν. τ. those who are baptized become the possession of and come under the dedicated protection of the one whose name they bear. An additional factor, to a degree, may be the sense of εἰς τὸ ὄν.=‘with mention of the name’ (cp. Herodian 2, 2, 10; 2, 13, 2 ὀμνύναι εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος; Cyranides p. 57, 1 εἰς ὄν. τινος; 60, 18=εἰς τὸ ὄν. τ.; 62, 13. Another ex. in Heitmüller 107): Mt 28:19; Ac 8:16; 19:5; D 7:1, (3); 9:5; Hv 3, 7, 3; cp. 1 Cor 1:13, 15. S. βαπτίζω 2c and Silva New, Beginn. I/5, ’33, 121–40.—πιστεύειν εἰς τὸ ὄν. τινος believe in the name of someone i.e. have confidence that the person’s name (rather in the sense of a title, cp. Phil 2:9) is rightfully borne and encodes what the person really is J 1:12; 2:23; 3:18; 1J 5:13.

ג. with ἐν: ἐν ὀνόματι of God or Jesus means in the great majority of cases with mention of the name, while naming or calling on the name (PsSol 11:8; JosAs 9:1; Just., D. 35, 2 al.; no corresponding use has been found in gener. Gk. lit.; but cp. ἐν ὀν. τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ὑψίστου θεοῦ Hippol., Ref. 9, 15, 6.—Heitmüller p. 13ff, esp. 44; 49). In many pass. it seems to be a formula. ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Mk 9:38; 16:17; Lk 9:49. τὰ δαιμόνια ὑποτάσσεται ἡμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. σου the demons are subject to us at the mention of your name 10:17. ποιεῖν τι ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι Ac 4:7; cp. Col 3:17. Perh. J 10:25 (but s. below). ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ … οὗτος παρέστηκεν ὑγιής Ac 4:10. ὄν. … ἐν ᾧ δεῖ σωθῆναι ἡμᾶς vs. 12. παραγγέλλω σοι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. 16:18; cp. 2 Th 3:6; IPol 5:1. σοὶ λέγω ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ac 14:10 D. Peter, in performing a healing, says ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. περιπάτει 3:6 (s. Heitmüller 60). The elders are to anoint the sick w. oil ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου while calling on the name of the Lord Js 5:14.—Of prophets λαλεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. κυρίου 5:10. παρρησιάζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ speak out boldly in proclaiming the name of Jesus Ac 9:27f. βαπτίζεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. be baptized or have oneself baptized while naming the name of Jesus Christ Ac 2:38 v.l.; 10:48. At a baptism ἐν ὀν. χριστοῦ Ἰησοῦ AcPl Ha 3, 32. αἰτεῖν τὸν πατέρα ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (=Ἰησοῦ) ask the Father, using my name J 15:16; cp. 14:13, 14; 16:24, 26. W. the latter pass. belongs vs. 23 (ὁ πατὴρ) δώσει ὑμῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου (the Father) will give you, when you mention my name. τὸ πνεῦμα ὸ̔ πέμψει ὁ πατὴρ ἐν τῷ ὀν. μου the Spirit, whom the Father will send when my name is used 14:26. To thank God ἐν ὀν. Ἰησοῦ Χρ. while naming the name of Jesus Christ Eph 5:20. ἵνα ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰησοῦ πᾶν γόνυ κάμψῃ that when the name of Jesus is mentioned every knee should bow Phil 2:10. χαίρετε, υἱοί, ἐν ὀν. κυρίου greetings, my sons, as we call on the Lord’s name 1:1. ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου whoever comes, naming the Lord’s name (in order thereby to give evidence of being a Christian) D 12:1. ἀσπάζεσθαι ἐν ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. greet, while naming the name of J. Chr. w. acc. of pers. or thing greeted IRo ins; ISm 12:2. Receive a congregation ἐν ὀν. θεοῦ IEph 1:3. συναχθῆναι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. meet and call on the name of the Lord Jesus=as a Christian congregation 1 Cor 5:4. μόνον ἐν τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. only (it is to be) while calling on the name of J. Chr. ISm 4:2.—Not far removed fr. these are the places where we render ἐν τῷ ὀν. with through or by the name (s. ἐν 4c); the effect brought about by the name is caused by its utterance ἀπελούσασθε, ἡγιάσθητε, ἐδικαιώθητε ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ κυρίου Ἰ. Χρ. 1 Cor 6:11. ζωὴν ἔχειν ἐν τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ (=Ἰησοῦ) J 20:31. τηρεῖν τινα ἐν τῷ ὀν. (θεοῦ) 17:11f.—ἐν τῷ ὀν. at the command (of), commissioned by ἔργα ποιεῖν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός J 10:25 (but s. above). ἔρχεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. τοῦ πατρός 5:43a; in contrast ἔρχ. ἐν τῷ ὀν. τῷ ἰδίῳ vs. 43b. εὐλογημένος ὁ ἐρχόμενος ἐν ὀν. κυρίου 12:13 (Ps 117:26). The Ps-passage prob. has the same sense (despite Heitmüller 53f) in Mt 21:9; 23:39; Mk 11:9; Lk 13:35; 19:38.—OMerlier, Ὄνομα et ἐν ὀνόματι dans le quatr. Év.: RevÉtGr 47, ’34, 180–204; RBratcher, BT 14, ’63, 72–80.

ד. w. ἕνεκα (and the other forms of this word; s. ἕνεκα 1): of persecutions for one’s Christian faith ἀπάγεσθαι ἐπὶ βασιλεῖς ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. μου Lk 21:12. πάσχειν or ὑποφέρειν εἵνεκα τοῦ ὀνόματος Hv 3, 1, 9; 3, 2, 1; Hs 9, 28, 5. ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. (τοῦ) κυρίου v 3, 5, 2; Hs 9, 28, 6. ἀφιέναι οἰκίας … ἕνεκεν τοῦ ἐμοῦ ὀν. for my name’s sake Mt 19:29. ἔκτισας τὰ πάντα ἕνεκεν τοῦ ὀν. σου you created all things for your name’s sake, i.e. that God’s name might be praised for the benefits which the works of creation bring to humankind D 10:3.

ה. w. ἐπί and the dat.: ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τινος when someone’s name is mentioned or called upon, or mentioning someone’s name (LXX; En 10:2; Just., D. 39, 6; Ath. 23, 1; s. Heitmüller 19ff; 43ff; s. also 47ff; 52ff; 87ff) in the NT only of the name of Jesus, and only in the synoptics and Ac. ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου they will come using my name Mt 24:5; Mk 13:6; Lk 21:8. κηρύσσειν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. αὐτοῦ μετάνοιαν 24:47. λαλεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ to speak using this name Ac 4:17; 5:40. διδάσκειν 4:18; 5:28. ποιεῖν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου Mk 9:39. ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. σου ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Lk 9:49 v.l. ἐπὶ τῷ σῷ ὀν. τὰς θεραπείας ἐπετέλουν GJs 20:2 (codd.). Of the (spiritual) temple of God: οἰκοδομηθήσεται ναὸς θεοῦ ἐνδόξως ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. κυρίου the temple of God will be gloriously built with the use of the Lord’s name 16:6f, 8 (quot. of uncertain orig.). βαπτίζεσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. Ἰ. Χρ. Ac 2:38. Baptism is also referred to in καλεῖσθαι ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ receive a name when the name of God’s son is named Hs 9, 17, 4. The words δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου can also be classed here receive (a child) when my name is confessed, when I am called upon Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (s. Heitmüller 64); but s. also 3 below.—ἐπί w. acc.: πεποιθέναι ἐπὶ τὸ ὁσιώτατον τῆς μεγαλωσύνης αὐτοῦ ὄν. have confidence in (the Lord’s) most sacred and majestic name 1 Cl 58:1b; ἐλπίζειν ἐπὶ τὸ ὄν. hope in the name (of the Lord) 16:8b.

ו. w. περί and the gen.: εὐαγγελίζεσθαι περὶ τοῦ ὀν. Ἰ. Χ. bring the good news about the name of J. Chr. Ac 8:12.—(W. acc.: ἔχομεν δέος τὸ ὄ. τοῦ θεοῦ Orig., C. Cels. 4, 48, 34).

ז. w. πρός and acc.: πρὸς τὸ ὄν. Ἰησοῦ … πολλὰ ἐναντία πρᾶξαι do many things in opposing the name of Jesus Ac 26:9.

ח. w. ὑπέρ and gen.: ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. (Ἰησοῦ) ἀτιμασθῆναι Ac 5:41. πάσχειν 9:16; Hs 9, 28, 2. Cp. Ac 15:26; 21:13. The activity of the apostles takes place ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀν. αὐτοῦ to the honor of (Jesus’) name Ro 1:5. Cp. 3J 7. Of thankful praying at the Lord’s Supper εὐχαριστοῦμεν σοι … ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀν. σου, οὗ κατεσκήνωσας ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν we thank you … for your holy name, which you caused to dwell in our hearts D 10:2.

δ. ὄν. w. ref. to God or Christ not infreq. stands quite alone, simply the Name: Ac 5:41; Phil 2:9 (cp. Diod S 3, 61, 6); 3J 7; 2 Cl 13:1, 4; IEph 3:1; 7:1; IPhld 10:1; Hv 3, 2, 1; Hs 8, 10, 3; 9, 13, 2; 9, 28, 3; 5.

② a person (Phalaris, Ep. 128; POxy 1188, 8 [13 A.D.]; BGU 113, 11; Jos., Ant. 14, 22; other exx. in Dssm., NB 24f [BS 196f]; LXX) τὸ ποθητόν μοι ὄν. my dear friend: Alce ISm 13:2; IPol 8:3; Crocus IRo 10:1. Pl. (PThéad 41, 10; PSI 27, 22; Num 1:18 al.) people Ac 1:15; Rv 3:4. ὀνόματα ἀνθρώπων 11:13 (cp. Ael. Aristid. 50, 72 K.=26 p. 523 D.: ὀνόματα δέκα ἀνδρῶν). This is prob. the place for περὶ λόγου καὶ ὀνομάτων καὶ νόμου about teaching and persons and (the) law Ac 18:15.

③ the classification under which one belongs, noted by a name or category, title, category (cp. Cass. Dio 38, 44; 42, 24 καὶ ὅτι πολλῷ πλείω ἔν τε τῷ σχήματι καὶ ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ τῆς στρατηγίας ὢν καταπράξειν ἤλπιζε=he hoped to effect much more by taking advantage of his praetorial apparel and title; ins: Sb 7541, 5 [II A.D.] Νύμφη ὄνομʼ ἐστί σοι; POxy 37 I, 17 [49 A.D.] βούλεται ὀνόματι ἐλευθέρου τὸ σωμάτιον ἀπενέγκασθαι=she claims to have carried off the infant on the basis of its being free-born; Jos., Ant. 12, 154 φερνῆς ὀνόματι; 11, 40; Just., A II, 6, 4 καὶ ἀνθρώπου καὶ σωτῆρος ὄνομα. Other exx. in Heitmüller 50); the possibility of understanding ὄν. as category made it easier for Greeks to take over rabb. לְשֵׁם (s. 1dγב above) in the sense with regard to a particular characteristic, then simply with regard to, for the sake of ὁ δεχόμενος προφήτην εἰς ὄν. προφήτου whoever receives a prophet within the category ‘prophet’, i.e. because he is a prophet, as a prophet Mt 10:41a; cp. vss. 41b, 42.—ὸ̔ς ἂν ποτίσῃ ὑμᾶς ἐν ὀνόματι, ὄτι Χριστοῦ ἐστε whoever gives you a drink under the category that you belong to Christ, i.e. in your capacity as a follower of Christ Mk 9:41. εἰ ὀνειδίζεσθε ἐν ὀν. Χριστοῦ if you are reviled for the sake of Christ 1 Pt 4:14. δοξαζέτω τὸν θεὸν ἐν τῷ ὀν. τούτῳ let the person praise God in this capacity (=ὡς Χριστιανός) vs. 16. δέδεμαι ἐν τῷ ὀν. I am imprisoned for the sake of the Name IEph 3:1.—δέχεσθαι (παιδίον) ἐπὶ τῷ ὀν. μου for my (name’s) sake Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48 (cp. Heitmüller 113. But s. 1dγה above).

④ recognition accorded a person on the basis of performance, (well-known) name, reputation, fame (Hom. et al.; 1 Ch 14:17; 1 Macc 8:12) φανερὸν ἐγένετο τὸ ὄν. αὐτοῦ his fame was widespread Mk 6:14. ὄν. ἔχειν (Pla., Apol. 38c, Ep. 2, 312c) w. ὅτι foll. have the reputation of Rv 3:1 perh. also 3:5 (s. 1bα; JFuller, JETS 26, ’83, 297–306).

⑤ name in terms of office held, office (POxy 58, 6) στασιαζουσῶν τ. φυλῶν, ὁποία αὐτῶν εἴη τῷ ἐνδόξῳ ὀνόματι κεκοσμημένη when the tribes were quarreling as to which one of them was to be adorned with that glorious office 1 Cl 43:2. τὸ ὄν. τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς the office of supervision 44:1.—B. 1263f. OEANE IV 91–96 on Mesopotamian practices. Schmidt, Syn. I 113–24. DELG. M-M. EDNT. TW. Sv.